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| 4th World
Social Forum |
India 2004 |
Interview with
Carol Barton
Women’s International Coalition for Economic
Justice (WICEJ)
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AWID: How has the World Social Forum supported
women’s issues in the past?
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This is the Fourth World Social Forum (WSF),
the last three have been held in Porto Alegre, Brazil. While this
is an international event, with an International Coordinating
Committee, the local host committee brings its own local flavour.
One of the reasons some people thought that it was important to
shift the WSF to another region in 2004 was to internationalize
the event and to bring new regional perspectives, reflected in the
national and local organizing committee.
Latin American feminists played a very strong
role from the very beginning of the WSF, in 2001, in trying to put
women’s issues on the agenda. There are also a handful of very
vocal feminists on the International Coordinating Committee of the
WSF who have been pushing this from the beginning. In terms of
effort at least, the effort has been there.
Despite this, I think that feminists from
around the world who have been to the WSFs, including those who
have been involved on the organizing side, have been really
disappointed with the lack of a serious feminist analysis or
presence at the WSFs. Last year at the closing press conference of
the WSF Candido Grzybowski who was the spokesperson for the Brazil
organizing committee actually made a point of saying that one
piece of unfinished business of the WSF was taking feminist issues
more seriously and addressing them more directly.
Latin American feminists have been pounding
away with some gains each year, which laid the groundwork for the
gains this year in India. Of course, the Indian feminists drew on
their own strong movement, organizations, and history of feminist
organizing as well. Feminists worked in tandem at the India and
international decision-making levels. One example of the advances
is one of the four mass events for 25,000 at the2004 WSF will
address patriarchy and war. In addition, planners accepted the
principle that all official panels should have gender parity.These
are signs that gains are being made.
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AWID: Why is it important to have a co-ordinated
feminist presence at the 2004 WSF?
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What we found over these few years is that,
except for the brilliant efforts of Latin American Feminists, most
groups have come to the WSF as individual organizations. This does
not give us the same kind of impact. Early on people showed up to
see what was happening and to figure out if it was an important
place to be. In the second and third years many more women’s
groups organized events and workshops. Anybody can put on a
workshop. As all of our organizations hosted workshops, we tended
to average only 15-20 people, many of whom we already knew.
Meanwhile, there where plenaries going on with 4,000, 8,000,
10,000 people in other places that were not addressing a feminist
agenda at all. One observation is that the proliferation of small
workshops was driven by the need for funds to get to the WSF. In
2003 two feminist groups helped to plan the major plenaries,
precisely to overcome this marginalization. However, because the
events were physically distant, they had low participation.
So a decision was made this year by a handful
of regional and international feminist networks, that it was
important to start early and to build on the lessons learned. It
was decided to reduce the number of small marginalized events
while trying to coordinate across regions to have a few big events
that put forth a more integrated feminist analysis into issues
that are on the agenda. This also meant greater coordination of
fundrais-ing, in a transparent way. While many other groups will
sponsor separate workshops, this group of networks has succeeded
in collaborating on two larger events, planned for 1000-4000
people.
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AWID: Who has been involved in planning the
feminist presence at the WSF and how has the planning process
evolved since its conception?
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The groups involved in this process are
Articulacion Feminista Marcosur; DAWN; FEMNET in Africa; INFORM,
which is the only local group and is based in Sri Lanka; ISIS
International; The National Network of Autonomous Women’s Groups
in India, which is our host; and WICEJ. These groups have been in
dialogue with many other groups but these are the networks that
have agreed to take responsibility for coordinating some of the
presence at the WSF 2004. For WICEJ several member groups have
been active, including WEDO, DAWN and the Center for Women’s
Global Leadership. There are at least 50 women’s organizations
that have been part of the conversation at some point, primarily
electronically. As noted, this planning process has a three year
history that we are building on. Some of this history is linked to
relationships that people have had over many years and others are
relationships that have increased over the last few social forums.
The real initiative in Latin America came from
a mostly Southern Cone coalition called Articulacion Feminista
Marcosur. They organized much a presence in the Porto Alegre
social forums, with creative visibility in the major marches, and
a women’s march in 2001. They also spearheaded the Campaign
Against Fundamentalisms, which both AWID and WICEJ are part of. A
lot of us have found it very inspiring. First, because they have
great marketing sense, they know how to have an incredible
presence in terms of media and visibility. Second, tt is an
important campaign because it is seeking to address the dogma of a
neoliberal economic agenda as well as what is happening around
religious fundamentalism and how both those trends are restricting
women’s human rights. We see it as a very powerful campaign for
bridging differences in what have sometimes been different
universes within global feminist organizing. It addresses issues
around women’s rights to control their bodies and their lives as
well as women’s economic and social rights. It has brought these
two strands together.
Articulación Feminista Marcosur hosted a Women’s
Strategy Meeting last year one day prior to the WSF, that WICEJ co-sponsored,.
Its purpose was to strategize about that specific WSF. For many
women from outside the region, it was their first introduction to
the WSF as an organizing space. The outcome was an evaluation
meeting at the end of the WSF, when we knew that the WSF was
moving to India. We evaluated a lot of what had not worked about
our strategy as well as the idea that a day before the event is
not a good time to try to strategize for that particular event.
The strategizing has to take place well in advance. That is what
initiated this effort to create a dialogue among regional and
global networks that could do planning over the whole year.
It has worked well because there are women on
the International Coordinating Committee of the WSF as well as
women on the Mumbai Organizing Committee who are part of this
conversation and can keep us abreast of how things are evolving in
terms of planning. It is in a sense a two-pronged agenda. One is
to influence a feminist presence at the WSF and the other is to
take advantage of our being there from all over the world to
create a space for feminist conversation separate from the WSF.
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AWID: Has the fact that the WSF is going to be
held in India impacted the planning process?
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Absolutely. New structures, mechanisms and
styles have emerged for this Fourth World Social Forum because it
is in a new place. A lot of us feel that this is a very positive
thing. We love Porto Alegre and we would love to go back but it
was really good to shift to a new region because it really does
internationalize the WSF. It gave the planning process, the
logistics, and local planning to a new set of players. That has
brought its headaches, problems, and differences as well as the
positive fact that a whole new region is getting involved and
integrated into the WSF process in a more direct way. For us as
feminists it meant building new relationships with new
organizations and learning more about Indian feminism and the
dynamics of the Indian left.
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AWID: How are these groups going to make
engendering debates and women’s issues more prominent at the WSF?
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There have been several ways. The WSF has
several different formats for debate. There are major events that
are planned by the International Council. A Content Committee, in
broad consultation, ultimately put together the themes and
panellists for the key events. Very early on in the year there is
an intense lobbying process that goes on vis-à-vis the people who
will be at those meetings. This is to try to get themes and names
on the agenda. Our feminist colleagues on the International
Coordinating Council, who created a women’s caucus as part of that
space, had a major role in this regard. It was the Indian women
who played a very instrumental role in pushing for gender parity
on all of the panels and events that the WSF sponsors.
Also, one of the four major events will be
dedicated to "War against women, women against war". Planners set
up a framework of four themes for the entire WSF, and one of them
is on patriarchy, which is a major change from previous years. It
is because of both the incredible work over three years that the
Latin American feminists have done and the intense lobbying that
Indian feminists have taken up.
Separate from that, anyone can organize major
panels and make the case for self-sponsored panels that get chosen
by the WSF. Among many events planned, Indian feminists are doing
a major event on globalization and a major event on religious
fundamentalisms. Our regional and international network is
collectively doing a session within the framework of the Campaign
Against Fundamentalisms called "Political
bodies: new emancipatory struggles to promote a radical democracy".
Another one, that the National Network of
Autonomous Groups of India is organizing in collaboration with
other networks is an inter-sectoral dialogue. We found that one of
the weaknesses of the WSF is that while it is suppose to be a big
tent to bring together a lot of different social movements,
everybody tends to talk to people within their own track,
unionists talk with unionists, rural workers talk with rural
workers, feminists talk with feminists, and development groups
talk with development groups. There hasn’t been a lot of dialogue
about how to build an integrated social movement that can have a
greater impact and how are we moving beyond our own niches. One of
the goals that we set was to encourage more dialogue across
sectors. We will be helping to host a dialogue that brings
together four groups: identity based groups working around racial
justice; unions; feminists; and gay, lesbian, bi-sexual, and
transgender. We will explore how groups join in the broader social
movements for social change while keeping the issues on their own
agendas and bringing those into the larger struggles.
These are some of the things that have emerged.
There is a feeling that women’s voices have been very loud and
strong in the planning of this WSF. They have been able to get an
enormous amount of what they have called for. Feminists have
figured out how to get into the planning.
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AWID: What are the desired outcomes of these
efforts?
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There are two different efforts. The first is a
small pre-event, Building Solidarity: a Feminist Dialogue.
Unfortunately, this is closed, with very limited numbers, due to
space constraints and the goal of regional balance. It is an
effort to bring a small group of women together to say "can we
listen to each other better and go deeper on some of the sticky
points in global feminist organizing?" These issues include: North-South
dynamics; different prioritization around issues like reproductive
rights or violence or economic justice issues; work at the local
or global levels and the choice of venues for our work; issues of
sexual identities and rigid definitions of sexuality; an
assessment of using a human rights perspective; issues of co-optation;
people’s understandings of religious fundamentalisms and how
people engage with religion -whether they seek to reinterpret it
in feminist ways and gain space within a religious tradition or
whether they seek to challenge religious traditions outright. We
seek to explore how neoliberalism, fundamentalisms, neoconserv-atism.
communalism and militarism are linked at the current juncture,
what that means for women’s rights, and how we
get more strategic
about our organizing. While this can’t all happen in two days, the
process leading up to it, and conversations it sets in motion are
perhaps the most valuable part of the experience.
There are a lot of different kinds of
strategies emerging from people’s particular lived experience and
realities. This dialogue is an effort to have some conversations
across regions and issues that begin to surface these diverse
perspectives. One of the longer terms goal, besides working more
effectively together, is how can we go into larger social movement
arenas like the WSF with a more coherent feminist voice.
In terms of our presence in the World Social
Forum itself, we would make the bold case that you can not really
understand the current dynamics in the world, in terms of the
global economy, militarism, and the rise of the religious right in
many countries and the impact these issues are having on people’s
lives, without a feminist analysis of patriarchy. It is an
integral part of the way geopolitics are being playing out. It is
being played out in terms of women’s bodies in very direct ways
that actually feed and help to justify the rise to power of
religious rights, the legitimization of the use of force, Bush
arguing that we should bomb Afghanistan to save the women and
defend their rights, etc. There are multiple ways that women and
women’s bodies get used in these larger agendas. Unless a feminist
lens is used we cannot understand the dynamics of what is
happening and we cannot effectively change it. Thus, our long term
goal is to bring that kind of a feminist understanding to the
social movements that are trying to challenge the current system.
It is not a small task but if we want to be players in the WSF
arena, which we think represents some of the cutting edge
organizing around the world today, we want to be clearer on our
own agenda and be clear about putting our agenda on that broader
social movement agenda.
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